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‘You Simply Assume About Consuming’: Why Tunisians Backed a Presidential Energy Seize



TEBOURBA, Tunisia — Aroussi Mejri, a 40-year-old waiter, is fortunate to have a daily job, even when it pays solely about $7.20 a day. But though so much has modified in Tunisia since he began working in cafes greater than a decade in the past, wages haven’t.

Since 2011, his nation has gone from an autocracy to the one democracy to emerge from the Arab Spring uprisings because it felled its former dictator. However for him, the primary distinction is that it has gotten a lot more durable to feed his kids.

“From what we’ve seen up to now, democracy has no worth,” he mentioned final week in his hometown, Tebourba, about an hour’s drive from Tunis, the capital. “If somebody like me stayed caught in the identical scenario he was in earlier than, why did we revolt?”

For a lot of Tunisians, it has been a decade of disappointment — of incurable unemployment, deepening poverty and a rising sense that their leaders don’t care. Younger males die at sea whereas attempting emigrate throughout the Mediterranean seeking alternatives in Italy and past. Others set themselves on fireplace out of despair.

The boiling level got here late final month when Tunisians, disgusted with official corruption and incompetence, surged into the streets, giving President Kais Saied their backing to grab energy from the remainder of the federal government.

The president suspended Parliament for 30 days, fired the prime minister, appointed himself lawyer basic and mentioned he would start prosecuting corrupt enterprise and political elites.

His political opponents, and lots of Westerners, referred to as it an unconstitutional energy seize, if not a coup. However he appeared to have the help of most Tunisians — almost 90 p.c, in keeping with one ballot by Emrhod Consulting, an area agency.

“There’s a notion amongst a lot of folks in Tunisia that the establishments of what folks name democracy haven’t delivered,” mentioned Monica Marks, a Center East politics professor at New York College Abu Dhabi who has lengthy studied Tunisia.

“There are not any revolutionary dividends for folks in Tunisia — the one one is freedom of expression,” she mentioned. “And you may’t eat that.”

Nonetheless, it might be untimely to declare Tunisia’s democracy lifeless.

Most Tunisians look like giving the president the advantage of the doubt, so long as he can ship change, however that shouldn’t be mistaken for a craving to return to dictatorship.

“Who can repair this example and on the identical time maintain the freedoms?” mentioned Mahfoudi Adel, 54, a cemetery employee in Tunis. “We don’t need somebody who will kill democracy and freedoms simply because we’re hungry.”

Mr. Saied may very well be delivering a much-needed shock to the system by breaking the political logjam. He has pledged that his bid to wash up the federal government won’t infringe on democratic freedoms and mentioned that his emergency measures had been short-term, promising to nominate a brand new authorities inside 30 days.

However he has raised alarm by arresting some critics, banning public gatherings of greater than three folks and suggesting that the 30-day interval to nominate a brand new authorities may very well be prolonged. With all the levers of energy now in his palms, Ms. Marks mentioned, “I believe it’s enjoying with a loaded gun.”

For a lot of Tunisians, Mr. Saied is giving the folks what they need. A former regulation professor, he was elected by an enormous margin in 2019 partially because of the notion that, as a political outsider, he was not corrupt.

“We’ve been ready for at the present time,” mentioned Beya Rahoui, 65, who sells handmade jewellery to vacationers — the few nonetheless prepared to come back in a pandemic — within the blue-and-white seaside village of Sidi Bou Stated. “There’s an excessive amount of injustice and corruption. Nothing goes nicely. Tourism is kaput. Tunisia is kaput.”

Because of the coronavirus, incomes have plummeted, Tunisia is mired in its worst financial downturn since 1956 and its hospitals are overrun.

Within the weeks main as much as the president’s energy seize, on July 25, the nation’s Covid mortality charge was among the many world’s highest, and there have been intensifying protests over the federal government’s bungling of the pandemic and the economic system. Many referred to as for the dissolution of Parliament.

However Tunisia was struggling lengthy earlier than Covid, hampered underneath dictatorship and democracy alike by a commerce deficit, corruption, a labor market that didn’t create jobs for the nation’s many school graduates and an economic system too depending on exterior forces resembling tourism and the European market.

Submit-revolution, as successive governments didn’t right these issues, costs have risen because the native foreign money misplaced worth. Greater than a 3rd of younger folks, who make up over 28 p.c of the inhabitants, are unemployed.

In Tunisia’s rural inside, the place the revolution that launched the Arab Spring erupted after a younger fruit vendor set himself ablaze to protest police harassment, dozens of younger males self-immolate yearly.

“Even when you’ve got a job,” mentioned Mr. Mejri, the waiter in Tebourba, “you don’t take into consideration having a automobile or constructing a home. You simply take into consideration consuming.”

He mentioned he had lower cigarettes, meat and fruit from his price range. The day earlier than, his younger son and daughter had requested for ice cream. He was humiliated to as soon as once more must say no.

“If I may dig a gap and go conceal inside it,” he mentioned, “I’d.”

Because the financial disaster deepened, Mr. Mejri, like many Tunisians, regarded on the political and enterprise elite and noticed solely a corrupt swamp. It didn’t assist that Parliament has just lately appeared extra paralyzed and chaotic than ever. Lawmakers denounced each other on the ground as “apes” and “beggars,” even coming to bodily blows.

For a lot of Tunisians, Ennahda, the average Islamist celebration that leads the coalition dominating Parliament, is a specific supply of resentment. Pretty or not, it has come to signify dangerous governance and corruption. And plenty of who’re secular-minded view its open dedication to Islamism as a menace to their lifestyle.

“That is the perfect factor Saied has completed since stepping into workplace,” mentioned Ahmed Chihi, 18, who was sitting in a restaurant in one of many poorest neighborhoods of Tunis final week, “as a result of folks don’t need to give Ennahda energy anymore.”

Mr. Chihi mentioned he had utilized for about 50 jobs within the six months for the reason that secondhand clothes market the place he used to work closed down due to coronavirus, with no success. A good friend sitting with him, Mohammed Amine Might, 18, had tried to depart by boat for Italy thrice, solely to be arrested or flip round for lack of cash.

Mr. Chihi is searching for a distinct path to Europe: He’s attempting to marry the Polish girlfriend he had met on-line.

Analysts say there may be little proof that Ennahda is very corrupt or imposing its spiritual imaginative and prescient. However its years in energy have failed to supply outcomes. And it has not helped its case by calling, within the midst of deep financial struggling, to be paid reparations for the torture and imprisonment its members suffered underneath the dictator deposed within the 2011 rebellion, Zine el-Abidine Ben Ali.

“When the state can’t ship, who do they blame? They blame Ennahda as a result of Ennahda is all the time there,” Stated Ferjani, a senior Ennahda lawmaker and longtime advocate of Tunisian democracy, mentioned in an interview final week. “We’ve got to take a look at ourselves and at easy methods to repair ourselves.”

However Mr. Ferjani warned towards trampling democratic establishments underneath the guise of fixing them. Tunisia’s issues, he mentioned, “could be solved solely underneath the tent of democracy.”

Mr. Mejri, the waiter, mentioned he appreciated among the fruits of the 2011 revolution, together with freedom of speech.

“Everybody desires his nation to progress,” he mentioned. However because of the president, he’s extra hopeful now than he can bear in mind being after the rebellion.

“This president feels for the poor,” he mentioned. “He’s doing all the pieces for them.”

Massinissa Benlakehal contributed reporting.


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